Questionable Genocide Narrative: Critics List 49 Unsupported Claims by INEC Chairman, Prof. Amupitan
A controversial legal brief authored by Professor Amupitan has reignited heated debate over claims of genocide, Islamisation, and state complicity in Nigeria’s security crises, following the publication of a list of what critics describe as 49 spurious, exaggerated or unsupported statements contained in the document.
Daily Star Nigeria reports that the list was drafted by public affairs analyst Aliyu Tilde, who compiled the claims directly from an article originally written by Prof. Amupitan himself, and later referenced in Nigeria’s Silent Slaughter report.
According to Tilde, the statements drawn from Amupitan’s legal brief rely heavily on sweeping generalisations, contested historical interpretations, and allegations that lack verifiable or credible evidence, while repeatedly calling for international intervention in Nigeria.
The compilation lists the statements one after the other as follows:
1. It is a notorious fact that there is perpetration of crimes under international law in Nigeria, particularly crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide.
2. Nigerian authorities and international investigators have allegedly avoided using the word “genocide” regarding violence in Nigeria.
3. Alleged involvement of State and non-State actors necessitates urgent third-party intervention by the UN.
4. Call for intervention by global military and economic superpowers.
5. Declaration that genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity are being perpetrated in Nigeria.
6. Claim that Fulani herdsmen are predominantly Muslim fundamentalists similar to Boko Haram.
7. Assertion that Boko Haram and Fulani militants share an Islamisation agenda.
8. Allegations that Fulani elites have used state machinery to Islamise Nigeria.
9. Claim that military regimes created states and LGAs to favour Hausa-Fulani interests.
10. Assertion of accelerated promotions for Hausa-Fulani in security agencies.
11. Claim of a long-term Islamisation plan unnoticed until “too late.”
12. Allegations that security institutions have been fully taken over by Islamic fundamentalists.
13. Claim that Boko Haram and Fulani herdsmen caused mass bloodshed nationwide.
14. Assertion that Fulani herdsmen are terrorists despite lack of formal designation.
15. Claim of genocide by State and non-State actors.
16. Comparison of Nigeria to Holocaust-era and Rwanda-like scenarios.
17. Warning that Nigeria risks repeating Rwanda and Sudan.
18. Claim that Nigeria’s constitutional failure makes intervention legally necessary.
19. Allegation of targeted killing of Christians by Fulani militants.
20. Claim that victims are mainly Christians and minority ethnic groups.
21. Linking presents violence to Uthman Dan Fodio’s 1804 jihad.
22. Allegations of Fulani elites deceiving the international community.
23. Claim of caliphate ambition to “dip the Qur’an into the Atlantic.”
24. Assertion that successive governments protected caliphate influence.
25. Claim that IDPs are stateless in Nigeria.
26. Claim that over 13,000 churches were destroyed or closed.
27. Assertion that over 60,000 people have been killed since 2001.
28. Claim that government silence emboldens militants.
29. Allegation of state-backed land occupation by herdsmen.
30. Reference to alleged war crimes by security forces without accountability.
31. Claim that the 1804 jihad manifests as Boko Haram and herdsmen attacks.
32. Formal request for international intervention over attacks on Christians.
33. Contradictory claims on legality of intervention without state consent.
34. Allegations that Fulani control federal and northern state governments.
35. Claim that the government accepted Fulani herdsmen as kidnappers nationwide.
36. Assertion that Miyetti Allah takes responsibility for killings.
37. Claim that the Islamisation agenda is the real cause of violence.
38. Allegations that Fulani elites control all arms of government.
39. Claim that occupied communities are renamed and assigned emirs.
40. Assertion of “retail killings” of Christians by Fulani mercenaries.
41. Claim of expansionist depopulation strategy.
42. Racial comparison describing Fulani as “Caucasoid.”
43. Claim that Hausa-Fulani identity is an error.
44. Allegation of colonial favouritism toward the North.
45. Call for UN-imposed sanctions on Nigeria.
46. Demand for a UN-backed tribunal like Rwanda or Yugoslavia.
47. Call for UN resolution criminalising calls for jihad globally.
48. Proposal for UN, AU and ECOWAS military intervention.
49. Call for foreign states to prosecute Nigerians under universal jurisdiction.
Aliyu Tilde argues that the cumulative effect of the claims is the construction of a genocide narrative that oversimplifies Nigeria’s complex security challenges, ethnic diversity, and historical realities, while potentially inflaming religious and ethnic tensions.
The publication has sparked renewed scrutiny of advocacy reports and legal briefs presented to international bodies, especially as Nigeria continues to battle insurgency, banditry, and communal violence through domestic security and judicial mechanisms.
